03.01.2024, 19:37 50911

As a progressive nation we should only look forward - Head of State Kassym-Jomart Tokayev

Images | Akorda

Egemen Qazaqstan newspaper published a big interview of President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev to Director General of LLP Qazaq gazetteri Dikhan Kamzabekuly, shedding light on the issues related to domestic and foreign policy, socioeconomic development of the country, the tragic January events, domestic violence, construction of a nuclear power plant and other pressing topics, Kazinform News Agency reports.

I would like to thank you, Mr. President, for taking time from your busy schedule for an interview with Egemen Qazaqstan newspaper. The Kazakh press has been anticipating your opinion on some of the issues of public concern. I would like to take this opportunity to have a frank conversation with you on these topics.

What do you remember from the past year?

I would like to take this opportunity to once again congratulate all compatriots on the New Year!

The year 2023 was full of significant events for our country. We have seen the completion of major political reforms. The Constitutional Court began its work. Elections for deputies of the Mazhilis (lower chamber of Parliament) and maslikhats of all levels were held under new rules. Elections of akims of districts and cities of regional significance were held for the first time. Elections of heads of villages and cities of regional significance continued, resulting in about 700 rural akims being elected last year.

The pressing issues of the social sphere were consistently addressed. The construction of schools, including "comfortable schools", began throughout the country, and medical facilities are being built in villages. The Social Code, aimed at comprehensive support for vulnerable categories of citizens, has been introduced. A special payment has been approved for persons employed in harmful working conditions. An additional payment has been established for environmental protection officers for risks to life and health. The salaries of medical workers, teachers at schools, colleges and kindergartens have been raised. A law regulating contributions to children from the National Fund has been adopted. A new methodology for determining the minimum wage was adopted, taking into account key economic indicators, including the inflation rate.

All this work will gain momentum in 2024. We will act scrupulously and systematically, steadily moving towards the set goals. This year is particularly important because it lays the foundation for the next five-year cycle of the country’s development.

What are your expectations for this new year? What are the key tasks facing the country?

In my September Address, I set the task of transitioning to a new economic model. The strategic goal is to double GDP by 2029. Soon, there will be an extended meeting of the Government, where we will summarize the results of socio-economic development and determine the tactics for further actions in this direction.

The meetings of the National Kurultai have become a useful platform for discussing issues in the ideological sphere, the formation of a new quality of the nation, and the renewal of the society’s value system. Traditionally, they have been held in the summer, but this year, we are likely to hold the meeting in the spring.

Consequently, the main agenda for the country’s economic, socio-political, and humanitarian spheres will be established in the first quarter of 2024.

We will continue a constructive and balanced foreign policy, taking into account the national interests of the country. In 2024, our country will host a number of representative summits and forums. Kazakhstan will chair several authoritative international organizations at once, including the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Collective Security Treaty Organisation, the Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia, the Organisation of Turkic States, the International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea, and the Islamic Food Security Organisation.

A significant event will be the hosting of the World Nomadic Games in Kazakhstan. They are important both for promoting national sports and a healthy lifestyle and for expanding cultural and humanitarian ties between fraternal peoples, heirs of the nomadic civilization of the Great Steppe.

The honouring of outstanding historical figures of our people will be useful from the point of view of strengthening national identity. This year is the 125th anniversary of the birth of the famous scientist Kanysh Satpayev and the 100th anniversary of the birth of the famous heroes Sagadat Nurmagambetov and Rakhimzhan Koshkarbayev. In addition, historians note that 2024 marks 800 years since the actual formation of the Ulus Jochi. In connection with such a significant date, showing the centuries-old roots of our statehood, extensive research work will be launched. This year, the preparation of a multi-volume book on the history of Kazakhstan will be completed. This is a thorough work on which more than 200 domestic scientists and about 60 foreign specialists are working.

In addition to many important events, there will be even more routine daily work. The efforts of all citizens will determine how this year will remain in the history of the country. In my New Year’s address, I said that next year we will witness a new rise of our nation, but we will all have to work hard to achieve this goal.

Exactly two years have passed since the tragic January events. These events became a watershed moment, ushering in a new era in the history of Kazakhstan. In your speeches and interviews, you have already assessed those tragic events. However, questions still remain. There are different interpretations. How do you characterize these events today, two years later? What do you see as their main causes and preconditions?

I have been thinking about these questions for a long time and continue to ponder them. In my opinion, the tragic events of January were caused by many years of unresolved socio-economic problems and general stagnation, which turned into the degradation of both the authorities and society. This was visible, as they say, to the naked eye.

After my election as President in 2019, a course was set for the democratisation of the political system, liberalisation of public life, and demonopolisation of the economy. Public and civic activists, along with experts, have been actively involved in the development and implementation of reforms. Many initiatives were worked out at various dialogue platforms, including at the meetings of the National Council of Public Trust, which I specially created.

To be frank, this new course caused a sharp rejection by influential individuals who perceived it as a threat to the deeply rooted state of affairs in the country and their privileged status in the power structures. Their covert and often open resistance to the reforms gradually grew. In the end, they decided to take extreme measures to reverse the changes and restore the previous order.

This group of high-ranking officials had enormous influence on the security forces and criminals, so the option of organising a violent seizure of power was chosen. According to the investigation, preparations began around the middle of 2021. Subsequently, the Government made an ill-considered, unlawful decision to sharply increase the price of liquefied gas, leading to demonstrations in the Mangistau region, instigated by provocateurs.

On my instructions, the government set up a special commission, which travelled to the region to meet with representatives of the public and make a compromise decision. However, the protests escalated into an extremist character, which the conspirators exploited.

The Prosecutor General’s Office investigation revealed that the development of the January events exhibited a ‘wave-like’ pattern. Initially, there were rallies in the Mangistau region, which later spread to other regions. Despite the efforts of the central authorities and akimats, the situation in the country became destabilized. The negotiations and dialogue aimed at finding compromise solutions were not supported by the organizers of the unrest.

The first clashes started in many regions of the country. All this fell under the control of the conspirators, who, through specially trained people, encouraged the escalation of the situation in every possible way. But even in such a difficult situation, the law enforcement agencies avoided the use of force. This was the second wave.

The third wave began when criminal gangs, whose leaders were controlled by the conspirators and had contacts with terrorists, including those who came from outside the country, became involved. Using special technologies, provocateurs and bandits turned peaceful protests into mass riots accompanied by large-scale violence, pogroms, arson, and destruction of property. Amidst the chaos, armed bandits and terrorists, following a single command, simultaneously attacked the buildings of the authorities, law enforcement agencies, gun shops, arsenals of law enforcement forces, and military units. This occurred not only in Almaty but also in a number of regional centers. Let me remind you that during the January events, more than three thousand weapons, including automatic rifles, machine guns, and even grenade launchers, were stolen. In addition, transport infrastructure and telecommunications facilities were attacked. It is crucial to note that the bandits and terrorists acted in an organized manner and in close coordination.

Extremists, criminals, and religious radicals collaborated in the coup d’état attempt. They aimed to spread fear among citizens, disorganize State institutions, undermine the constitutional order, and, ultimately, seize power.

The situation at that time was extremely difficult and tense - the country was close to descending into chaos. To prevent this, I personally monitored all measures hourly and around the clock. The Ministry of Internal Affairs received information about the preparation of various attacks on Akorda, including lorry attacks. I was repeatedly advised to leave the residence, even to evacuate abroad, but I strongly disagreed. In one of my televised addresses, I stated that I would remain at my workplace under any circumstances. For two weeks, I remained at the official residence of Akorda. Operational meetings were held both late at night and early in the morning. In those days, the most important task was to preserve our State and restore the rule of law and order in the country.

How justified was the decision to invite Russian servicemen to Kazakhstan? There is much discussion in the neighboring country about their life-saving role during the unrest in Kazakhstan.

Amidst chaos and de facto powerlessness in the regions, the Security Council decided to appeal to the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) for the introduction of a peacekeeping contingent into our country, for the period necessary to ensure stability and security. I emphasize: the appeal was not to Russia, but to the CSTO, of which Kazakhstan is a member.

At the time of the appeal, Armenia was chairing the organization, and this year, Kazakhstan assumed the chairmanship. The CSTO contingent indeed served as a peacekeeping force and played a deterrent role in the turmoil of those tragic days. By agreement with the participating countries, the organization’s contingent left our country without any preconditions and, moreover, ahead of schedule.

The CSTO peacekeeping contingent did not participate in the counter-terrorist operation and did not fire a single shot. The Armenian contingent was assigned to guard the Aksai municipal waterworks and bakery, while the Belarusian contingent was responsible for securing the airfield in Zhetygen. The Tajik and Kyrgyz contingents were tasked with guarding CHPP-1 and CHPP-2 in Almaty, respectively, and the Russian contingent was in charge of guarding CHPP-3 and telecommunications facilities. Due to threats of terrorist attacks on life-support facilities, the contingent was strategically deployed to these locations. But most importantly, this freed up our forces for the counter-terrorist operation.

So, it was a failed attempt at a coup d’état. What then do you say to those who claim that it was a popular uprising and almost a revolution?

The whole world witnessed those tragic events when peaceful demonstrations turned into mass riots and pogroms. Do people come to peaceful demonstrations armed with machine guns, pistols, and cold weapons? Do they beat and kill soldiers, abuse them, and use them as human shields during attacks on administrative buildings? Do peaceful demonstrations typically lead to the looting of shops and banks, and the burning of cars? This is not to mention the attacks on government buildings and police stations. The total amount of damage caused by these atrocities was in the order of three billion dollars.

Speculation should not cloud our understanding of the causes and consequences of the January events. I will say it bluntly: arguments about an alleged popular uprising contribute to the justification and whitewashing of criminal acts. Such irresponsible, indeed provocative, talk leads to the glorification of actual bandits and to the entrenchment of a pernicious criminal psychology in society. And thus, they call for new unrest to the detriment of national security and the well-being of the people. This is a very serious threat. Therefore, the State and society must be united in condemning lawlessness - I am convinced of this.

In this case, how can citizens of the country express their critical attitude to the actions of the authorities?

We have created all conditions for the public expression of disagreement with the actions of the authorities. Citizens can openly talk about existing problems. In line with the concept of a ‘listening State,’ I demand that State bodies take public opinion into account. We have enacted a democratic law on peaceful assembly. Additionally, a law that regulates the procedure for submitting and considering petitions has recently been adopted.

Therefore, it should be very clear: peaceful protests are acceptable, but mass riots are unacceptable and will be firmly suppressed. The law must reign in the country - this is my principled position. For instance, in Western countries, often regarded as citadels of democracy, authorities do not treat those who organize street riots and attacks on government buildings leniently.

The police identified the organizers of the January riots - all those who called for resistance to the lawful demands of the authorities, delivered and distributed weapons, fostered an atmosphere of aggression, and led the crowds in pogroms, arson, and acts of violence. Simultaneously, ordinary and often incidental rioters were distinguished from the bandits. I decided to grant amnesty to citizens who fell under the influence of provocateurs. This amnesty was applied to 1,095 out of the 1,205 citizens previously convicted. The organizers of the riots and those who received sentences for terrorist acts, treason, attempted forcible seizure of power, and other serious crimes will serve their sentences in full.

I don’t know whether the next question will be unpleasant, but I can’t help asking it. After you assumed the presidency in 2019, there was talk in the country that there was a system of dual power. Some drew comparisons of our political model to that of Iran, while others likened it to Singapore’s. Indeed, it seemed as if there were two centres of power in the country. Was this perception of dual power accurate?

Since you have posed such a tough question, I must be very frank. In accordance with the Constitution, the President determines the main directions of the country’s domestic and foreign policy, and appoints and dismisses the highest State officials and the supreme command of the Armed Forces. The Head of State is the Supreme Commander-in-Chief.

However, there indeed were attempts to impose a model of dual power, which were notably purposeful and well-organized. In the current political situation of "transit of power," political manipulators formed a certain parallel centre of power. In our country, both the roles of the President and the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, and the Chairman of the Security Council, represented by the ex-President, were active. This inevitably led to a collision of power.

I will say more: this situation became one of the preconditions for the January crisis. This was because the conspirators attempted to exploit the contrived model of dual power, or ‘tandem,’ for their own interests. You probably remember the statements of a number of officials, including the former Minister of Justice, that Yelbasy (Leader of the Nation) is above the President in terms of his status. Some officials were seen frequently shuttling between offices. They played on this and eventually got carried away. Later, I directly informed Nursultan Nazarbayev that the political games, primarily of his closest associates, almost tore the country apart.

I believe there should be no "senior and junior presidents" at all. "When you leave, you leave." This is a serious lesson for the future generation of leaders, who should beware of such things and always think only about the interests of the State and the well-being of society.

Unfortunately, at crucial moments of the internal political crisis, the heads of key law enforcement agencies showed their unprofessionalism and even betrayal.

The crisis has shown the need to build a sustainable and effective system of State institutions operating in accordance with the Basic Law. We have overcome this crisis with all the people, withstood it and became even stronger. We averted an even greater catastrophe and stabilized the situation in the country, thanks solely to the unity of our citizens and the decisive actions across the entire power structure. Later, during the investigation, some of the conspirators confessed that they had not expected to see such a level of consolidation of the people and the political will of the authorities.

After the events of January, you began to implement far-reaching political reforms, which have also gained recognition in Western countries. Can we say that we have crossed the point of no return? Have we crossed the critical line that separates us from our recent past? Are there any concrete guarantees ensuring these changes are irreversible?

As I said, political reforms began in 2019. The National Council of Public Trust was formed, and it developed and implemented important legislative initiatives. Significant changes were made to legislation on elections, political parties, and parliament. For the first time, the country spoke openly about the dictatorship of the oligopoly.

These innovations were a threat to those who felt comfortable in the conditions of political and economic monopoly. As a result, they made an unsuccessful attempt to change the status quo.

After the January events, there were fears that the authorities would "tighten the screws" and begin to preserve the regime. But we have done the opposite, following a more complicated but correct path.

The process of political modernization certainly accelerated in 2022. One of the primary tasks of these reforms was to create a fairer and more balanced political system. In addition, it was important to create conditions to ensure the irreversibility of political reforms, making them a permanent factor in public life.

To this end, the constitutional reform introduced a number of barriers. Firstly, we have re-established the Constitutional Court, which is in fact the supreme constitutional control body that ensures the supremacy of the Constitution. While it may appear to some that the former Constitutional Council merely underwent a name change, the situation is quite different. The decisions of the Constitutional Court are final, and not even the President can revise its decisions, including those concerning the constitutional rights of citizens.

Any changes or additions to the Constitution can only be submitted to a referendum or to Parliament with the corresponding opinion of the Constitutional Court.

And would like to remind you: Of the eleven judges of the Constitutional Court, six, the majority, are appointed by the Houses of Parliament. Furthermore, the Chairperson of the Court, although nominated by the President of the Republic, is appointed only with the Senate’s consent.

Second, positions of principle are clearly set out in the Constitution itself. For instance, Article 91 of the Constitution states that the State’s independence, the unity and territorial integrity of the Republic, the form of its government, and, I stress, the provision for a single seven-year term of office for the President shall remain unaltered.

Thirdly, as a result of the reforms, the powers of the Mazhilis have been significantly expanded and it has been formed according to a new electoral model - party lists and single-mandate constituencies.

In short, a return to the old system is impossible. Today, we can confidently say that political reforms in Kazakhstan are not only systemic but, more importantly, irreversible. The political mentality of the nation has undergone a radical change. The main guarantor of democratic transformation has become the legal literacy and activity of citizens. The people will not allow a setback and, I am convinced, will defend the changes that have taken place.

However, some critics of the government, including in the countries of the West, claim that there are still political prisoners in our country. Is this true?

Censorship, special laws, and penal institutions are the main signs of political persecution. There is nothing of this kind in modern Kazakhstan. There is not a single decree, law, or other normative document in our legislation under which citizens could be persecuted for their political views.

On the contrary, the reforms have strengthened the system of human rights protection. Legislative amendments have been adopted to strengthen the independence of the courts. The categories of cases for trial by jury have been expanded. The institution of the Human Rights Ombudsman, which has been given constitutional status, is fully operational in the country. The consistency and depth of the reforms are demonstrated by the fact that last December, I signed a second decree on human rights.

The main task of the authorities is to strictly maintain law and order. Therefore, any violation of the law is punishable. And people’s political views and ideological preferences have nothing to do with law and order.

Some individuals, despite warnings from the prosecutor’s office, continue to violate the law with inexplicable persistence, apparently in an attempt to gain publicity. In other words, they place themselves above the law.

How can we speak of political persecution in a country where numerous independent media exist and no political censorship is present?

Moreover, after the adoption of the new law on rallies, when a notification procedure was introduced instead of a permissive one, the number of peaceful rallies in Kazakhstan has multiplied.

In my speeches, I have repeatedly said that all problems should be solved in a civilized and constructive manner - not by shouting and provoking in the squares, but within the framework of specially created dialogue platforms and mechanisms, and above all, within the walls of the Parliament.

Today, the Parliament hosts the broadest political spectrum, reflecting the views of all major segments of our society. The institution of the parliamentary opposition has been enshrined in law.

I would like to remind you that following the results of the last elections, six parties were elected to the Mazhilis, three of them for the first time. Furthermore, one of the parliamentary parties is fundamentally an opposition party.

Numerous foreign politicians and experts, including those from Western countries, have expressed support for our democratic reforms and noted their progressive nature. Indeed, in our geopolitical environment, we are the only country that has implemented such a large-scale democratic transformation and made great progress in the protection of human rights.

There are allegations on social networks that you are planning to hold a referendum on the Constitution and that you are intending to run again in the presidential elections in 2026. Is this true?

This is misinformation. I am convinced that arbitrary amendments to the Constitution, especially on such a fundamental issue, are no longer possible. The constitutional reform was not carried out to facilitate arbitrary changes to the Basic Law.

The one-term presidency provision in the Constitution is unchangeable. This provision is as inviolable as those concerning the independence, unity, territorial integrity, and form of government of our State.

Since we have touched on this subject, I will take this opportunity to disclose some details. It was 15 years ago that I proposed the idea of a single term of seven years in a closed-door discussion. At that time, the proposal did not find support. After my election as President, I carefully weighed all the pros and cons and deliberated extensively on how to implement this idea.

In 2022, several important constitutional changes were made to abolish super-presidential powers. It was at this time that I proposed the idea of a single seven-year term. This initiative received nationwide support. That says it all.

Let’s talk about economics. In your 2023 speech, you announced a new economic course for Just Kazakhstan and set the goal of doubling the national economy’s size to $450 billion by 2029. Meanwhile, according to the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank forecasts, Kazakhstan’s economic growth is projected to be no more than 3-4 percent for 2023-2024. Given these projections, how realistic is achieving this ambitious economic goal?

It is quite an achievable goal. According to International Monetary Fund analysts, by the end of 2023, Kazakhstan’s GDP in current prices is expected to exceed $259 billion, marking a 15 percent increase from 2022. This is the highest nominal growth in Central Asia.

Positive dynamics are also evident in GDP per capita, forecasted to reach almost $13,000 in 2023, with an estimated annual growth of $1,600. According to the IMF forecast, by 2028, this figure is expected to grow by a third, reaching $16,800.

However, I would like to point out that for me, macroeconomic indicators are not the most important thing, but the real well-being of the citizens.

These favourable forecasts will become a reality if the government adopts new approaches to economic management. I see two main directions.

The first is to solve a number of issues that can stimulate the country’s development. This includes the implementation of large industrial projects. In the September address, the government was instructed to identify a list of possible large-scale projects and to prepare an infrastructure development plan. These projects are being prepared, and consultations are being held with large companies, institutional investors, and the expert community.

The crucial task of attracting investment, including through privatisation and asset recovery, also needs to be addressed. Large-scale investment has the potential to "fuel" the economy and create new growth points. That is why my decree recently established an Investment Headquarters with broad powers to improve the investment climate and the qualitative implementation of investment projects.

The second direction includes measures to implement systemic reforms that will establish new "rules of the game" for the entire economy.

On my instructions, the government is drafting a new tax code to reset the relationship between the State and business. In improving the tax system, it is very important to move away from a solely fiscal approach. We need to strike a balance between creating favourable conditions for investors and maintaining the necessary level of budget revenues.

The new Budget Code is very important. We need to fundamentally change the attitude towards budget funds, focusing on the rationality, economy, and relevance of their use.

The new laws on public procurement and public-private partnerships will play a serious role in this. These documents will ensure transparency in public procurement and create a financial basis for economic development.

Special attention should also be given to improving the efficiency of the quasi-public sector. Measures for its modernisation have already been identified and are now being implemented.

In answer to your question, I would also like to say that the economic situation in the world is certainly affecting our country. However, every difficulty also opens up new opportunities for us. The government should have a detailed action plan that takes into account all possible scenarios. It is important that all measures to stimulate economic growth are accompanied by structural reforms aimed at developing entrepreneurship and competition, protecting private property, and ensuring fair justice. With such an approach, we will achieve all our goals, including doubling the size of the national economy within the planned timeframe.

Our newspaper often receives calls and letters from citizens who are unable to pay off their consumer credit debts. In this context, I would like to ask what measures are being taken to solve this problem.

I am very concerned about the creditworthiness of citizens, because this problem directly affects people’s social well-being and the stability of the financial system. One of my first decisions as President was issuing the 2019 Decree aimed at reducing the debt burden of citizens in difficult life situations. Subsequently, as a one-off measure, unsecured loans for 500,000 people were written off. Then, in 2023, the law on personal bankruptcy came into force. These were important steps that reduced the severity of the problem. In my Address last year, I instructed the government to take new systemic measures to radically correct the situation, which is mainly due to the low financial literacy of citizens. Additionally, it is clear that there is a need to tighten regulations on consumer credit and the activities of debt collection companies.

Some steps have already been taken in this direction. For instance, the capital requirements for banks and microfinance organisations issuing consumer loans have increased fivefold in recent years. There is a ban on new lending if loans are overdue, and a ban on charging interest on all loans after 90 days. Debt collection agencies are subject to ongoing supervision.

To protect the rights of borrowers, amendments to the Credit Act have been drafted that will further tighten requirements for microfinance organisations, debt collection agencies, and banks. It is proposed to restrict the sale of loans to debt collectors. Under these changes, the process of settling acquired debts will become the sole responsibility of debt collection agencies. The powers of the banking ombudsman will also be extended. The document is currently under consideration by the Mazhilis, our Parliament. I am ready to support these initiatives.

Today, many of our compatriots are concerned about rising prices, tariff increases, employment issues and the general situation in the regions. Is the current government, preoccupied with a multitude of operational issues, capable of solving strategic problems? How do you assess the effectiveness of the government’s work in general?

Governments in all countries face both operational and strategic tasks, and Kazakhstan is no exception. The main issue is the optimal allocation of resources and effective planning.

The current government was formed in the spring of last year. The constitutional reform and the parliamentary elections effectively ‘nullified’ the mandates of both the Parliament and the Government. In accordance with the Constitution, the Government resigned before the newly elected Mazhilis. The candidacy for the new head of the Cabinet of Ministers was presented by the Amanat Party, which held the majority of seats in the Mazhilis. I will not hide the fact that the party did it after consultation with the President. The economic bloc of its electoral program was formed on the basis of the current government’s program.

Consequently, the government’s powers have been significantly expanded. After the September reshuffle, the Presidential Administration focused on strategic directions for the country’s socio-economic development, rather than on detailed supervision of the government, individual ministries, and agencies. The administration now functions as a political headquarters, refraining from ‘manual management’ interference in the executive branch’s work. The previously duplicated functions have been transferred to the government. The prerogative to make sector-specific decisions has also been transferred to the government level and specialized bodies. The budgetary independence of the regions has increased.

In short, the government has sufficient instruments at its disposal. What is needed is a well thought-out strategy and, of course, the will to succeed in the tasks set. The government asked for autonomy and additional powers - it has been given them. But it should be understood that now it is going to be asked for more.

In my opinion, the Government is struggling to cope with the task of ensuring the uninterrupted functioning of the country’s fuel and energy complex and public utilities. In an emergency, we have to deal with the elimination of accidents, maintaining the supply of heat, power and water to settlements throughout Kazakhstan. How did this situation come about?

The deplorable state of power plant and the housing and utilities sector is the result of many years of inaction. Everyone understands that the current problems in this sector did not arise overnight but have been building up for years. Wear and tear on heating systems and other equipment in the regions is as high as 80 percent. At the same time, investment in the public utilities sector has not kept pace with demand over the years.

Additionally, the situation is exacerbated by certain information ‘networkers’ who deliberately worsen the normal situation in energy industry facilities, labelling the heat supply situation as a ‘tragedy’.

The in-depth modernization of the country’s engineering infrastructure is a very large and complex task, but it is gradually being tackled.

During the spring and summer, both the government and Akims (Mayors) implemented measures to ensure quality preparation for the heating season. Work was carried out on facilities that were in a critical condition and deemed problematic.

Currently, the immediate task is to prevent serious accidents and interruptions in the heat supply to households. The ultimate goal is to introduce new capacities, systematically renew networks, and modernize the entire municipal sphere.

Under the current conditions, the heating networks can withstand the loads, but further decisive measures by the government and the Akims are essential.

The critical situation with heat supply raises concerns about the state of the country's energy security. In your speech, you said that the issue of building a nuclear power station in our country would be put to a national referendum. Despite the nuclear power plant (NPP) being part of ‘green’ generation technologies, society holds no clear consensus on its construction. Additionally, the NPP plans carry significant geopolitical implications. What is your position on this issue?

Clean nuclear power is very important for Kazakhstan. It is a fundamental issue for the future of our economy. We are the world’s leading producer of natural uranium and have our own production of nuclear fuel components. That is why I pay special attention to the issue of building nuclear power plants in our country. After all, the issue of energy security should be resolved based on real needs, possibilities, and scientific research, not on geopolitical considerations.

Some citizens are critical of the construction of the nuclear power plant. This is understandable, as many still remember the tragic consequences of the tests at the Semipalatinsk nuclear test site. There are also other complicated issues that should be considered, such as project costs and environmental aspects.

Consequently, recognizing the importance of the issue, I have proposed putting the question of constructing the NPP to a national referendum. My 2019 election platform stated that decisions on the most crucial issues would be made through referendums. This is the practical implementation of the concept of a "Listening State" and the principles of Fair Kazakhstan.

We are about to have wide public hearings. Citizens should consider and discuss all expert arguments ‘for’ and ‘against’ to make a balanced, well-considered decision of their own free will. This will be the people’s decision.

Last year was marked by significant foreign policy events. You engaged in numerous impactful discussions with world leaders. The regional format, C5+, has gained considerable importance, largely attributed to your authority in world diplomacy. Looking ahead, what significant foreign policy events can we anticipate in the near future?

In pursuing a well-balanced and pragmatic foreign policy, Kazakhstan is committed to protecting its national interests and addressing strategic challenges. Our priorities, which remain unchanged, include ensuring the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country, safeguarding the rights and interests of Kazakhstan’s citizens, and creating favorable external conditions for sustainable economic growth. As a Foreign Minister for over a decade, I have been closely involved in shaping these priorities.

Given the current complex geopolitical landscape, it is crucial for Kazakhstan to foster mutually beneficial and pragmatic cooperation with all foreign partners, especially neighboring countries.

You rightly acknowledge the timeliness of the C5+ format, as Central Asia is a dynamically developing region with its own perspective on geopolitical realities and abundant opportunities in trade, investment, business, and innovation. Consequently, interest in Central Asia is growing significantly worldwide, leading to an increased demand for the C5+ dialogue platform.

Without regular and trust-based dialogue at the highest level, the active development of relations between regional countries and influential external players would be impossible. In this regard, significant progress has been made in recent years. The annual Consultative Meetings of the Heads of State of Central Asia have proven to be fruitful. It is noteworthy that Kazakhstan will host the next Consultative Meeting of the Heads of State of Central Asia this year.

As previously mentioned, Kazakhstan is set to assume the chairmanship of several influential regional and international organizations and associations in 2024.

In June, the Astana International Forum will bring together heads of State and global companies. This platform will facilitate discussions on global issues such as climate change, food shortages, and energy security.

The agreement between Kazakhstan and France to hold a One Water Summit on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly’s high-level session, aimed at contributing to the global climate agenda, is of great significance.

Presidential elections in Russia will be held in March this year. How will these elections influence the global and regional agenda?

As for the elections, 2024 will become a landmark year for many countries. Several countries, including the United States, Azerbaijan, the United Kingdom, and India, will also hold elections, as will the European Parliament. It is important for us to closely follow these electoral processes.

The presidential elections in Russia are of particular interest to Kazakhstan due to the strong and strategic partnership between Astana and Moscow. Russia is a key ally and strategic partner for Kazakhstan; over the past 30 years, we have built a strong foundation of interstate relations, evidenced by over 300 agreements in various fields. Bilateral cooperation mechanisms are in place across numerous sectors.

The high-level political dialogue between our countries is developing intensively. We also collaborate within multilateral frameworks to ensure regional stability and international security.

One of the significant events in the bilateral agenda for 2023 was the official visit of Vladimir Putin to Kazakhstan, during which we reaffirmed the friendly relations and strategic partnership between our nations.

Russia is one of Kazakhstan’s key trade and economic partners, evidenced by a bilateral trade turnover of 21.4 billion tenge in the first 10 months of 2023. This is not surprising, considering that our countries share the longest continuous land border in the world.

Additionally, we place great importance on expanding cultural, humanitarian, scientific, and educational ties. This year, we are commemorating the 225th anniversary of the great Russian poet Alexander Pushkin, an occasion of significant importance not only for Russia but also for Kazakhstan. Pushkin, along with our own esteemed Abai, symbolizes the friendship and cultural cooperation between our two nations.

It is crucial to recognize that Russia holds vital importance in global politics, being a permanent member of the UN Security Council. President Vladimir Putin, through his words and actions, is a leader who shapes the global agenda.

Therefore, presidential elections in a country as influential as Russia will have significant international significance and will attract the attention of most countries around the world.

Relations between Kazakhstan and China hold a significant place in Kazakhstan’s foreign policy. In recent years, there have been positive changes in how Kazakhstan’s society perceives its eastern neighbor. What are the prospects for further building relations with China?

Today, Kazakhstan and China maintain active relations based on friendship, good neighborliness, and a long-standing strategic partnership.

Together with President Xi Jinping, we have embarked on a new era of ‘golden’ relations between Kazakhstan and China, a partnership spanning 30 years. Last year, two visits to China further solidified this partnership.

During the talks with the President of China in Xi’an and Beijing, we achieved important agreements and outlined specific ways for their implementation.

Private contacts between our nations further reflect the high level of relations between Astana and Beijing, exemplifying the strength of Kazakhstan-China relations.

The mutual commodity turnover between Kazakhstan and China has seen unprecedented growth, reaching a record $24.3 billion in the first 10 months of 2023. We are actively working on expanding the list of export items and increasing deliveries to China.

Additionally, China has traditionally been one of the largest investors in Kazakhstan, with cumulative investments totaling $24 billion.

Kazakhstan's strategic geographical position, situated between the East and West and sharing a border with China, presents extensive prospects for the transit of Chinese goods in various directions. Important agreements, such as the Agreement on the Joint Development of the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route and the memorandum on the joint construction of a railway line from the Kazakh city of Ayagoz to the Chinese city of Tacheng, were signed during the Third "Belt and Road" Forum in Beijing. These agreements will undoubtedly boost the development of Kazakhstan's transport and logistics sector. Kazakhstan fully supports China’s "Belt and Road" megaproject, as demonstrated by a speech delivered at the forum in Beijing last October.

The implementation of a visa-free regime between Kazakhstan and China holds vital importance. Kazakhstan’s citizens are now exempt from visa requirements when visiting China, and I hope many will seize this opportunity.

When it comes to China, we should not harbor any unfounded fears or rely on outdated notions. China is a highly developed State, including in the field of high technologies, and this fact is recognized worldwide. Therefore, it is of utmost importance for Kazakhstan to cooperate with our eastern neighbor and effectively utilize the advantages of our friendly relations and mutual trust.

During the recent Paryz and Altyn Sapa awarding ceremonies, you called upon Kazakhstan’s people, to look forward and focus on long-term goals. Specifically, you emphasized the importance of avoiding archaism and staying on the path of progress. What did you mean by this, and what do you think our society should focus on?

Apart from the current tasks, it is very important for us to focus on long-term goals. We often attach too much importance to non-essential matters, squander our energy on trivial problems, or even worse, get led astray by someone's false agenda. We must not allow ourselves to be distracted and lose sight of our strategic national guidelines.

Furthermore, we should avoid dwelling on former greatness or grievances and instead focus on the present and future. While history is an integral part of our national identity, the State is actively working on preserving and studying it. We have published numerous thematic literature, established specialized scientific institutions, and modernized existing ones. Additionally, we have conducted extensive research on rehabilitating the victims of Stalin’s repression. Studying our centuries-old history and restoring historical justice will always be a priority for us.

What matters most is not who we were in the past, but who we are now and who we aspire to be. We must unite in our efforts to not only acknowledge the challenges we have overcome but also to strive for a better future. We should live not in the memories of the past but in the aspirations for the future, proving the greatness of our nation through our actions.

We need to abandon cultural imitation, false patriotism, and excessive boasting. At the same time, we must not turn a blind eye to our existing shortcomings but work towards addressing them. This is crucial for the future of Kazakhstan in an ever-changing world.

To ensure the progress of our nation, we should embrace progressive ideas and discard anything that holds us back. The values of hard work and productive creativity should be deeply ingrained in our society. Knowledge and creative thinking should be celebrated, and a pragmatic and realistic approach to life should prevail. Frankly, it is important to acknowledge that not all members of the intellectual community, who claim to be the ‘conscience of the nation,’ fulfill this noble mission with dignity. Instead of providing genuine spiritual guidance, some focus on narrow subjects, engage in self-praise, and complain about financial issues. Such misdirection hinders the development of our national ideology.

As a progressive nation, we should look forward and focus on what unites us rather than what divides us. National values should be prioritized. I have emphasized these values many times before, and I will reiterate them again: unity, solidarity, diligence, the pursuit of knowledge, professionalism, mutual support, industriousness, proactivity, honesty, modesty, and thrift. These values and qualities define true citizens and patriots. By embracing these ideals, we will not only strengthen our nation but also achieve success. Cultivating these values will shape a new quality of our nation.

I cannot ignore another issue that worries the entire society: cases of violence and cruelty have become more frequent in recent times. Every day we hear news about beatings of women and children, while cases of rape are not uncommon. What measures is the State taking to eradicate these crimes?

Under my instruction, systemic measures are being implemented to prevent and eliminate such crimes. The position of a female detective has been introduced specifically to investigate violent crimes against women and children. The staffing of the women’s protection divisions within the internal affairs structures has been renewed, and their operational efficiency has been enhanced.

Last year, we did more and revised the approaches to responding to domestic violence. Since July 1, the police have transitioned from a declarative to a detective method of offense registration. Henceforth, the police do not need a complaint from a victim of domestic violence to launch a case. Administrative and criminal responsibility for domestic violence has been significantly strengthened. To reduce pressure on victims, the possibility of conciliation between parties in such cases has been excluded.

In line with the implementation of my state-of-the-nation address, a group of Mazhilis members is drafting a bill that includes new, effective measures to counter domestic violence.

After a high-profile murder of a woman by her husband last November, an unofficial online petition was launched to toughen punishment for domestic violence against women and children. However, questions later arose about its legitimacy, as the law on petitions will only come into force in April this year. Many are worried that the problem will not get off the ground. Are you for or against toughening punishment for domestic violence?

I am committed to strengthening the principle of ‘law and order.’ Therefore, I want to state definitively and unambiguously: I support toughening the penalties for domestic violence. Regardless of whether the mentioned petition complies with legal requirements, the opinions of citizens presented in it will undoubtedly be taken into account.

Furthermore, it is crucial to understand that legislative amendments will not be effective without a zero-tolerance approach to all forms of aggression and violence in society. It is paradoxical when people demand stricter punishment for violence while simultaneously romanticizing the criminal world, admiring movie heroes who violate laws, or even real criminals.

We must counter any attempts to justify destructive and anti-social behavior and collectively fight against legal nihilism. We must decisively and unanimously oppose lawlessness and cruelty. As a society, we must reject any violation of norms and rules, any disrespect for universal human values.

The people you work with describe you as a demanding leader. What principles do you follow in personnel policy, and how do you build relationships with subordinates?

For me, it is fundamentally important that civil servants are not only professionals who perform their duties scrupulously but also those who take the initiative and demonstrate through personal example the usefulness and irreversibility of changes. They must possess appropriate knowledge and competencies, exhibit high human qualities, and demonstrate concentration and discipline.

The personal loyalty of subordinates is not as important to me as their commitment to the idea of building a Just Kazakhstan.

The primary requirement for officials and managers at all levels is their ability to stay updated with public moods and events, listen to and understand people’s aspirations, respond to them in a timely and effective manner, and make the right decisions. They must adhere to the principle ‘not a person for the State, but the State for the person.’

Another personnel-related question: Due to the reforms, many young people have been given the opportunity to fulfill their potential in civil service. Young people are working today at all levels, including in Parliament, in maslikhats, and in ministries. You consistently support representatives of the new generation. However, there is an opinion that young executives lack experience and depth of perspective. What do you think about that?

I believe in our youth. Therefore, comprehensive measures have been taken to open doors for young people in legislative and executive power structures. The Presidential youth personnel pool was established, providing young professionals who passed several stages of selection with the opportunity to hold senior positions in civil service.

As part of political reforms, quotas for women, youth, and persons with special needs were introduced on party ballot papers and in the distribution of deputy mandates. Many young patriots secured deputy seats in the Mazhilis and maslikhats, amplifying the voices of the youth in representative authorities. These steps have injected new vitality into the renewal of State authorities.

The world is changing rapidly, not year by year, but almost day by day. New technologies, professions, and sectors emerge, and approaches to work and management are constantly evolving. Amid these conditions, the role of youth, capable of mastering new skills and applying advanced knowledge effectively, is growing. They possess a progressive mindset, focus on the future, and advocate for sustained development. For this reason, I cannot agree that our youth lack depth of perspective. However, given that State authorities require a fusion of experience and new ideas, hasty experiments are not suitable here. I am aware that some unscrupulous "experts" persistently promote the idea that President Tokayev has maintained the existing system without any positive changes, and that the old personnel remain in place. This is a great deception with the ultimate goal of destabilizing and undermining statehood. Haste can lead to irreversible consequences.

Indeed, young executives may lack sufficient experience and sometimes face challenges related to ambition and self-esteem. Nevertheless, we are providing the new generation with opportunities to demonstrate their capabilities. This policy will continue.

The release of the First President’s memoirs has caused a strong reaction in society. You have probably also read the book. What are your impressions as a direct witness of many decisions and events mentioned in the book? Do you have plans to pen memoirs?

In my view, this book is intriguing as a chronicle of the building of Kazakhstan’s Independence. As a wise saying goes, memoirs are valuable because even if they contain only 50 percent of the truth, they allow us to grasp the magnitude of historical events.

Nursultan Nazarbayev is a historical figure who witnessed several epochs. He began his career as a Komsomol activist during Khrushchev’s rule and resigned more than sixty years later. His contribution to the formation of independent Kazakhstan is evident and deserves a fair historical assessment.

I enjoy reading memoirs and political essays. However, as for writing my own memoirs, I don’t have the time for it right now.

They say that you prohibited the governors of the regions from greeting you with flowers at the airstair and, moreover, to organize feasts, pompous concerts, and shows. Is that true?

During my first trips as President around the country, local governors tried to organize magnificent ceremonies, luxurious feasts, and install billboards. This practice has been halted. I visit regions for work purposes with an official program. I am sure that this practice will take root in the regions, and we will completely move away from ceremonies with the involvement of the public and spending of huge financial resources.

Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, thank you for this insightful conversation. I am confident the year ahead will be eventful. In conclusion, I would like to ask another personal question: how did you welcome the New Year?

New Year is certainly an important milestone associated with the change of calendar dates. It has become customary to reflect on past achievements and make plans for the future during this time. However, the New Year holds no sacred significance for me. We must also remember our own New Year holiday, Nauryz, which marks the start of a new cycle in nature’s life.

Nauryz symbolizes renewal, and it should be celebrated in a fresh and meaningful way, infused with creativity and the introduction of distinctive elements. I am confident that this will contribute to the unity of our society and the strengthening of our national identity.

In conclusion, I would like to extend my warmest wishes for happiness and well-being to all our compatriots! May there be harmony and tranquility in our country! May Kazakhstan continue to prosper!

By Dikhan Kamzabekuly

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As a progressive nation we should only look forward - Head of State Kassym-Jomart Tokayev

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